政治学与生活
出版社:中国人民大学出版社
出版日期:2014-2-1
ISBN:9787300187037
作者:[美]迈克尔·G·罗斯金
页数:351页
内容概要
迈克尔•G•罗斯金（Michael G. Roskin），美国当代著名政治学家，曾任美国宾夕法尼亚州莱康明大学政治科学系主任，教授。在政治科学和比较政治学领域颇有建树，主要著作有《政治科学》、《国家的常识：政治•地理•文化》、《国家关系新世界》、《民主苦旅：四个发展中国家》、《中东政治：文化和冲突》等。
书籍目录
第一篇 政治学基础
第1章 政治与政治科学…………………………………………3
统领科学………………………………………………………………………………5
关键概念：“千万不要对事实发火”…………………………………………………6
政治权力………………………………………………………………………………8
关键概念：合法性、主权和权威……………………………………………………8
关键概念：政治科学的分支学科……………………………………………………14
政治学是科学吗？…………………………………………………………………15
怎么做：章节的学习…………………………………………………………………16
经典论述：概念和直观………………………………………………………………17
关键概念：政治与政治科学…………………………………………………………18
第2章 理论………………………………………………………21
经典理论………………………………………………………………………………24
经典论述：并非只有欧洲人…………………………………………………………25
当代理论………………………………………………………………………………29
怎么做：命题的阐述…………………………………………………………………31
关键概念：模型：简化现实…………………………………………………………33
关键概念：政治如游戏（博弈）……………………………………………………36
第3章 政治意识形态……………………………………………39
何为意识形态？………………………………………………………………………40
主要的意识形态………………………………………………………………………41
经典论述：意识形态的起源…………………………………………………………42
关键概念：意识形态的分类…………………………………………………………44
怎么做：支持你的论题 ………………………………………………………………50
当代意识形态…………………………………………………………………………53
比较研究：伊斯兰主义：一种“新瓶旧酒”的意识形态…………………………56
意识形态终结了吗？…………………………………………………………………57
第4章 国家………………………………………………………59
制度化的力量…………………………………………………………………………60
关键概念：有效国家、虚弱国家和失败国家………………………………………61
经典论述：亚里士多德论政府的六种类型…………………………………………62
单一制或联邦制………………………………………………………………………64
比较研究：邦联的不稳定性…………………………………………………………67
选举制度………………………………………………………………………………70
比较研究：法国和德国的变体………………………………………………………72
国家和经济……………………………………………………………………………73
怎么做：资料来源……………………………………………………………………75
第5章 权利………………………………………………………78
现代世界的宪法………………………………………………………………………80
比较研究：变更宪法的危险…………………………………………………………81
比较研究：加拿大的新宪法…………………………………………………………83
美国宪法的适用性……………………………………………………………………86
关键概念：权利是什么？……………………………………………………………87
怎么做：列出参考文献………………………………………………………………91
第6章 政体………………………………………………………94
代议制民主……………………………………………………………………………96
关键概念：“两次轮替测验法” ……………………………………………………99
实践中的民主：精英主义？多元主义？……………………………………………101
极权主义………………………………………………………………………………104
怎么做：写出逻辑严谨的文章………………………………………………………105
关键概念：完全控制的影像与现实…………………………………………………106
威权主义………………………………………………………………………………107
关键概念：达尔的“影响关系”……………………………………………………108
威权政体的民主化……………………………………………………………………109
关键概念：为什么民主会失败? ……………………………………………………109
比较研究：伊拉克民主？……………………………………………………………111
第二篇 政治态度
第7章 政治文化………………………………………………114
什么是政治文化？……………………………………………………………………115
关键概念：公民社会… ………………………………………………………………117
经典论述：公民文化… ………………………………………………………………118
政治文化的衰败………………………………………………………………………119
比较研究：美国的宗教… ……………………………………………………………122
政治亚文化……………………………………………………………………………122
怎么做：引文…………………………………………………………………………123
比较研究：魁北克：“我们主宰自己的命运” ……………………………………127
政治社会化……………………………………………………………………………127
关键概念：文化和发展 ……………………………………………………………128
经典论述：权威个性…………………………………………………………………129
比较研究：中国建立统一的国家意识………………………………………………130
第8 章 民意……………………………………………………133
关键概念：民意是什么，不是什么？………………………………………………135
民意的形成……………………………………………………………………………136
关键概念：经典的舆论曲线…………………………………………………………141
民意调查………………………………………………………………………………142
关键概念：民意调查的短暂历史……………………………………………………144
怎么做：如何区分并使用变量………………………………………………………146
美国的民意……………………………………………………………………………146
经典论述：阿尔蒙德的三种公众……………………………………………………149
民意调查公正吗？……………………………………………………………………150
第三篇 政治互动
第9 章 政治沟通………………………………………………154
政治中的沟通…………………………………………………………………………155
经典论述：大众传播的两步曲… ……………………………………………………156
关键概念：媒体垄断的趋势… ………………………………………………………157
关键概念：精英媒体… ………………………………………………………………158
巨人：电视……………………………………………………………………………160
关键概念：互联网——最新的大众媒体？… ………………………………………160
怎么做：界定变量… …………………………………………………………………165
我们得到糟糕的服务？………………………………………………………………166
关键概念：新闻框架… ………………………………………………………………167
对手：媒体和政府……………………………………………………………………169
关键概念：媒体和水门事件… ………………………………………………………169
关键概念：媒体和战争………………………………………………………………171
第10 章 利益集团… ……………………………………………174
什么是利益集团？……………………………………………………………………175
关键概念：利益集团与政党有何不同？……………………………………………176
关键概念：政府如何制造利益集团…………………………………………………178
关键概念：对抗性力量………………………………………………………………179
有效的利益集团………………………………………………………………………180
比较研究：法国的反多元主义………………………………………………………181
比较研究：美国的工会有多大力量？………………………………………………185
怎么做：制作表格……………………………………………………………………188
利益集团：一种评价…………………………………………………………………189
经典论述：奥尔森的利益集团理论…………………………………………………190
第11章 政党……………………………………………………193
政党的功能……………………………………………………………………………194
怎么做：制作交叉表…………………………………………………………………196
民主政治中的政党……………………………………………………………………197
关键概念：忽略选民的政党…………………………………………………………199
政党分类………………………………………………………………………………201
经典论述：迪韦尔热的三种政党模式………………………………………………202
经典论述：基希海默的“兼容型”政党… …………………………………………203
政党制度………………………………………………………………………………203
关键概念：什么是“相关性”政党？……………………………………………205
比较研究：多党制更有意思…………………………………………………………206
经典论述：萨托利关于政党竞争模式的划分… ……………………………………208
第12章 选举……………………………………………………211
人们为什么要投票？…………………………………………………………………212
谁来投票？……………………………………………………………………………213
经典论述：唐斯的投票理论… ………………………………………………………215
怎么做：把握倾向性… ………………………………………………………………216
投票人如何投票？……………………………………………………………………217
比较研究：美国选举制度是否有问题？……………………………………………220
选举重组………………………………………………………………………………223
关键概念：政党的极化………………………………………………………………225
靠什么赢得选举？……………………………………………………………………226
关键概念：改变立场…………………………………………………………………228
第四篇 政治制度
第13 章 立法机关……………………………………………232
总统制和议会制………………………………………………………………………234
关键概念：国家元首和政府首脑……………………………………………………235
经典论述：美国的制度源于何处？…………………………………………………237
关键概念：两院制和一院制 ………………………………………………………238
立法机关做什么？……………………………………………………………………240
关键概念：“政治分肥”政治 ……………………………………………………242
怎么做：纵贯研究……………………………………………………………………243
立法机关的衰落………………………………………………………………………244
关键概念：国会的超支………………………………………………………………246
第14 章 行政机关与官僚制… …………………………………250
总统与首相……………………………………………………………………………251
比较研究：以色列直接选举总理……………………………………………………253
经典论述：拉斯韦尔的权力心理学…………………………………………………255
比较研究：威权主义重返俄罗斯 …………………………………………………256
关键概念：帝王式的总统？ ………………………………………………………256
行政领导模式…………………………………………………………………………258
内阁……………………………………………………………………………………259
经典论述：美国的妄想狂 …………………………………………………………260
怎么做：制图…………………………………………………………………………260
期望过高的危险………………………………………………………………………262
官僚制…………………………………………………………………………………263
经典论述：韦伯的官僚制概念 ……………………………………………………263
各国官僚机构对比……………………………………………………………………264
政治学与生活（第12版）6
关键概念：官僚决策 ………………………………………………………………265
比较研究：日本：命令式的官僚制…………………………………………………266
官僚制的困境…………………………………………………………………………268
关键概念：官僚政治………………………………………………………………268
第15章 司法机关………………………………………………271
法律的类型……………………………………………………………………………272
经典论述：法律的基础 ……………………………………………………………273
法院、法官和律师……………………………………………………………………275
关键概念：普通法与法典法 ………………………………………………………276
法院的比较……………………………………………………………………………278
比较研究：俄罗斯的法律 …………………………………………………………280
法院的作用……………………………………………………………………………281
经典论述：马伯里诉麦迪逊案………………………………………………………283
怎么做：构造散点图…………………………………………………………………286
第五篇 政治体系做什么
第16章 政治经济学……………………………………………292
政府与经济……………………………………………………………………………294
比较研究：美国的税负有多高 ……………………………………………………300
怎么做：绘制地图 …………………………………………………………………300
谁有权得到什么？……………………………………………………………………303
关键概念：什么是贫困？ …………………………………………………………305
关键概念：贫困与意识形态 ………………………………………………………307
政府应该有多大？……………………………………………………………………309
第17章 政治暴力………………………………………………312
体制失效………………………………………………………………………………313
关键概念：恐怖主义 ………………………………………………………………315
怎么做：时事短评 …………………………………………………………………319
关键概念：不断上升的期望 ………………………………………………………320
革命……………………………………………………………………………………322
关键概念：越南的革命性政治战争 ………………………………………………323
比较研究：伊朗的革命周期 ………………………………………………………325
革命之后………………………………………………………………………………327
比较研究：暴力革命与“天鹅绒革命” …………………………………………329
第18章 国际关系………………………………………………332
权力及国家利益………………………………………………………………………334
关键概念：国家利益的类型 ………………………………………………………335
关键概念：为什么会有战争? ……………………………………………………337
维持和平………………………………………………………………………………339
关键概念：民主和平论 ……………………………………………………………340
怎么做：避免“他们” ……………………………………………………………343
超越主权？……………………………………………………………………………343
美国外交政策：卷入或孤立？………………………………………………………345
关键概念：经济的重要性 …………………………………………………………345
经典论述：克林伯格的交替理论 …………………………………………………347
经典论述：凯南的恐龙类比 ………………………………………………………348
经典论述： 修昔底德关于战争的论述 ……………………………………………349
作者简介
这是一本主题宏大抽象、语言通俗易懂、内容直击要点、广受国内外读者喜爱的政治学入门读物。作者紧扣政治学的基本概念，以方法论贯穿全书，同时运用丰富、真实的案例，将思考政治的方式、个人与政府的关系、政治参与的价值娓娓道来，向读者展示了一个与生活密切相关的生动的政治学理论谱系。
阅读本书，读者将身临其境地参与到和政治活动相关问题的“对话”与“回答”中，形成自己认识和判断政治的方法，从而为自身对政治及政治学的基本理解和独特感受奠基。此外，本书还展现了作者作为i新闻记者和外交官员的过人的写作技巧，在极简练的表达中，兼容并包地战线了各种政治流派的观点，使读者能够轻松获得一种新的思维方式，充分体会到政治学的“有趣、有益和有用”。
发布书评
精彩书评 (总计6条)
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很多人认为政治离我们太远，那是少数人或政治家或官僚的事，与普通人关系不大。并且和平年代，我们的主要任务是经济建设和创造财富，不再是革命和诸如夺取政权、分财富，过多的讲政治和关心政治还是有害的。其实，这是一种误解。政治与每个人都是息息相关的，并且时时处处影响着我们，只是我们大多数时候视而不见，或避而远之，或漠不关心。 政治并不神秘。我们都是国家或社会共同体的一员，国家事务或社会共同体的事务就是我们自身的事务，能不受影响，能不关心？如果我们不关心政治，受托管理国家事务的少数人就可能不尽心，还可能以权谋私的腐败，严重的篡权窃国，把国家沦为私有之物；如果我们参与不够，不能集众思、广众益，国家治理也难以达到善治；我们也难以享受国家良好治理的成果。因此，要使国家或政府真正成为林肯所言的“民有、民治、民享的国家”，我们都要学习政治、关心政治和参与政治。因为它就是我们自己的事，事情的结果有我们承担，由不得我们不关心。 政治既然是我们自己的事，我们有必要学习、研究政治。当然，学习、研究政治，不是要我们都成为政治家，而是通过学习、研究提高对政治本质和规律的认识，提高我们自身参与政治的能力，从而参与国家和社会事务的管理，维护社会公共利益和捍卫自身的权利。政治实践的历史证明，不论是公共利益还是个人权利，都只能争取的而不能靠他人的施舍。施舍的权利，今天可以给你，明天也可以被剥夺，只有争取的权利，别人才难以剥夺。那么，如何又好又快地认识、理解和把握政治，提高我们自身参与政治的能力呢？途径有两条：一是积极投身政治实践，通过实践来认识和体验。这条途径有很大的局限性，对不直接从事国家和社会事务管理的大多数人很不现实。二是通过理论学习，把对政治实践的规律和经验的前人认识转化为对政治实践的把握和政治现象的分析。这条途径无疑是快速、便捷，又是节约时间和成本的方式，也是大多数人认识、理解政治的主要方式。但实践中一个问题始终困扰着大家，那就是如何选择一本合适的政治学读物或教材，使我们既能轻松愉快地读懂政治，又不致于陷入一家之言而片面、固执一端。 满足上述要求的政治学读物或教科书，应该具备以下特点：一是理论与实践相结合，即把阐述理论、列举案例与教授分析方法统一起来，从而避免空对空谈理论，或就事论事谈政治的问题；二是深入浅出，通俗易懂，能把复杂的政治规律、原则简单化，转化为众人能理解的语言，而不是太专业化让非专业人士如坠云雾；三是理论知识全面、系统，观点客观公正，能真正透析政治的本质。现有的政治思想、理论纷繁复杂，哪是我们要了解的，了解多少，要了解的理论之间有什么联系，等等，这都是众人学习政治迫切想知道的问题，政治学的读物或教材应对上述问题有很好的回答；四是立意深远，既引人入胜，又发人深思。让我们不但能看懂政治，又能思考政治。 罗斯金的这本《政治学与生活》（第12版），不敢说满足上述所有的要求，但可以说大部分要求都具备了。因此之故，该书在欧美国家畅销30余年，阅读者甚众。这本书不论是对观点各异的政治学研究者，还是对非专业的普通读者都具有重要的参考价值。不但可以加深你对政治和政治学的理解，而且留给了你更多的思考空间，不像许多教科书只顾着一味灌输知识，不给人留一点思考的余地。如果你思维活跃，并且试图探寻自己一些观点，本书也会成为你得力的助手。 -
毫无疑问，这是我读过的最精彩、最好的政治学入门著作，没有之一！罗斯金不愧为政治学大师！作者的这本书，还有他的《国家的常识》，都应该一起被列为公民常识读本，尤其是大学生都应该读一读，要不然从小被洗脑，都不知道现代政治是怎么一回事，不知道何谓公平、正义！ -
第一章 政治与政治科学15页，“莫斯科的克里姆林宫”应为： the Zhongnanhai in Beijing.第二章 理论28页，最后一段(“作为一个分析体系……”前)：Marxism, as applied in the Soviet Union and other Communist countries, led to tyranny and failure,（ “……必须要问‘受益的是谁？’”后）：One of the enduring problems and weaknesses of Marx is that capitalism, contrary to his prediction, has not collapsed. Marx thought the Paris Commune of 1870–1871 was the first proletarian uprising. (It was not.) True, capitalism has gone through some major depressions, in the 1890s and 1930s and a big scare in 2008–2009, but it has always bounced back.Marx erred in at least a couple of ways. First, he failed to understand the flexible, adaptive nature of capitalism. Old industries fade, and new ones rise. Imagine trying to explain Bill Gates and the computer software industry to people in the 1960s. They wouldn’t believe you. Capitalism rarely gets stuck at one stage; it is the system of constant change. Second, Marx failed to understand that capitalism is not just one system; it is many. U.S., French, Singaporean, and Japanese capitalisms are distinct from each other. Marx’s simplified notions of capitalism illustrate what happens when theory is placed in the service of ideology: Unquestioning followers believe it too literally.35页，第一段（“……通常会比较持久”到“当墨西哥……”）：When South Korea and Taiwan were poor, they were dictatorships. As they industrialized, their middle classes and education levels grew, and by the 1990s both had turned into democracies. Much U.S. thinking on China is based on these hopeful examples. China’s rapid economic growth suggests that it could soon become a middle-income country and hence be ripe for democracy. However, economic growth is rarely smooth, and China is a huge, complex nation ruled by a Communist Party that refuses to relinquish power.第三章47页，第一段（“它将‘逐步消亡’”后）：Communism, then, was the predicted utopia beyond socialism.Marx focused on the ills and malfunctions of capitalism and never specified what socialism would be like. He only said that socialism would be much better than capitalism; its precise workings he left vague. This has enabled a wide variety of socialist thinkers to put forward their own vision of socialism and say it is what Marx really meant. This has ranged from the mild “welfarism” of social-democratic parties, to anarcho-syndicalism (unions running everything), to Lenin’s and Stalin’s hypercentralized tyranny, to Trotsky’s denunciation of same, to Mao’s self-destructive permanent revolution, to Tito’s experimental decentralized system. All, and a few more, claim to espouse “real” socialism. These different interpretations of socialism caused first the socialist and then the communist movement to splinter.48页，第四段最后：Marx would probably not have endorsed such a redo of his theory.49页，第四段最后：Mao pursued a radical course that included a failed attempt at overnight industrialization (the Great Leap Forward of 1958), the destruction of bureaucratic authority (the Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966–1976), and even border fighting with the Soviet Union in 1969. After Mao’s death in 1976, pragmatic leaders moved China away from his extremism, which had ruined China’s economic progress. A few revolutionary groups stayed Maoist: Cambodia’s murderous Khmer Rouge and India’s Naxalites. Maoism is an ultraradical form of communism.50页， 第一段最后：and, in China, nationalism was always more important than communism.第四段（“……被俄罗斯人统治”到“即便是某些加拿大人……”）：Some Chinese and Iranians, feeling they have been repressed and controlled by outside powers, lash out with nationalistic military and diplomatic policies.第四章 国家74页，第二段最后：Exemplified by the former Soviet Union, government owns nearly all the means of production, claiming it runs the economy in the interests of the society as a whole. However, the collapse of Communist regimes (which called themselves “socialist”; we called them “Communist”) indicates they worked poorly. Today, only North Korea and Cuba remain as (negative) examples of socialism, and their systems seem ripe for change.第六章 政体95页，第一段（“……措施比较得当”后）：its economy continued to grow fast. Beijing’s brainy nine-man Standing Committee quickly tripled bank lending, then throttled back to head off inflation. There were no delays, political fights, or backtalk. Some people, especially in the developing lands, began to wonder if Western democracy was the right model; maybe Chinese-style “market authoritarianism” was better and faster.104页，第一段（“……这种政体是不完善的”到“20世纪初……”）：Few people are now attracted to such political models. Only North Korea remains as a pristine example of totalitarianism, while China and Vietnam have opened up economically if not politically.第三段（“1922年意大利……”之前）：Totalitarianism began with Lenin’s 1917 seizure of power in Russia. 第五段：Mao105页，（“……民众的无助”到“苏联后来抛弃了……”）：Not counting deaths in war, the Soviet Union killed an estimated 62 million civilians, Communist China 35 million, and Nazi Germany 21 million.106页，关键概念第三段（“……而不是它的结果”后）：Starting in late 1989, as one country in Eastern Europe after another cast off its Communist system, we beheld how weak the system was.As to ideology, many citizens, even former Party members, detested communism. The single ruling parties collapsed and handed power over to non-Communists. Organized terror lost its punch. The official mass media, widely ignored for years, was simply discarded in favor of a free press. The controlled economies were turned, with much pain, into market economies. We now realize that these Communist regimes had never exercised total control.107页，威权主义 第三段（“……有限制的多元化”后）：Some observers now see a new model, the “authoritarian capitalist” regimes of China and Russia, which allow market economies but tightly retain political control. Their selling point is continual economic growth and rising living standards, and most citizens accept it and show no interest in democracy. But what happens when growth slows?111页，第一段（ “……许多国家都有这种现象”后）：The collapse of Communist regimes shows the role of the economy in a negative sense.It was poor economic performance and slow growth—especially in comparison with the West and with the rapid-growth countries—that persuaded relatively liberal Communists, such as Mikhail Gorbachev, to attempt to reform their systems. They knew they were falling behind, especially in crucial high-tech sectors, and thought they could energize the system by bringing elements of the free market into an otherwise socialist economy. But communism, like other brands of totalitarianism, doesn't tolerate reform.By attempting to control everything, as in Friedrich's and Brzezinski's six points, they have created a brittle system that can break but not bend. Once they started admitting that the system needed to be fixed, they admitted that they were wrong. The ideology was wrong, single-party control was wrong, the centralized economy was wrong, and so on.The reform attempt turned into system collapse.第七章128页，关键概念第一段（“……相互信任”后）：(Most also turned into democracies.)（“……倡导这些价值”）后：Some point to their common Confucian heritage, which promotes such values. China, the origin of Confucianism, has enjoyed incredible economic growth recently.130页，比较研究第三段（“……统一的整体”后）：The old ideal of one China may at last turn into a reality.第十一章201页，第三段后：Communist systems—that is, countries ruled by Communist parties—have become rare. In Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, Communist parties were voted out of power. China, Vietnam, North Korea, and Cuba try to preserve the party-controlled state, but they too appear ripe for change.202页，最后一段后：Study Communist systems while you can; soon there may be none left.204页， 第四段：The Soviet Union, China, and many of the emerging nations of Africa and Asia are or were one-party states.第十三章233页，第二段：such as China第十四章265页，第三段后：In China too officials are party members. The party is supposed to fight corruption, but China’s administration is dangerously decentralized to the provincial and local levels, leaving officials free to collect bribes and fake “taxes” and to transfer land from peasants to developers. In 2008, provincial and local officials managed to not notice that milk was being poisoned. Major riots break out in China every year over such corruption, which is the system’s Achilles’ heel. The Communist Party’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection has broad powers to demote or expel party members or send cases to criminal courts, where some are sentenced to death. The regime touts its Central Commission as the cure for corruption, but it continues, probably because the local officials are precisely who the regime depends on to maximize economic growth.第十七章315页，第一段后：China currently experiences thousands of “mass incidents” a year in which citizens gather to protest corrupt local officials, the seizure of their land, or police coverup of crimes. The regime tries to handle protests with warnings but sometimes resorts to tear gas and gunfire. The message to Beijing is clear: Institute reforms to clean up the corruption and misuse of power before widespread anger explodes. Instead, the regime figures that rapid economic growth, rising living standards, and nationalism will buy off or deflect discontent. It may be mistaken.328页，第二段后：More recent scholarship has shown that Lenin was ruthless and willing to exterminate all opposition; there was nothing moderate or humane about him. Some Russian thinkers are now willing to admit that Lenin was wrong from the start.第三段（“解决了问题”与“在xxxx年”间）：The Soviet Union and China, earlier the models for many revolutionaries, admitted that they were in economic difficulty and tried to change to a more open, market system.第三段后：The worst revolutionary horror was Cambodia. In the late 1970s, the Khmer Rouge (Red Cambodia) murdered an estimated 1.7 million of their fellow citizens. The nonfiction movie about this bloodbath, The Killing Fields, shocked the world. And Vietnam, united by the Communists in 1975 after its fierce war with the United States, turned itself into one of the poorest countries in the world. Tens of thousands of Vietnamese “boat people” risked the open sea and Thai pirates to leave their starving land. Sadly, few countries wanted them. In 1995, Vietnam and the United States established diplomatic relations, and the Vietnamese economy turned to the world market with rapid growth. In Cuba, the Castro brothers continued to proclaim their regime revolutionary, but most Cubans were tired of the shortages and restrictions. And in Nicaragua, a free election in 1990 voted out the revolutionary Sandinistas and replaced them with a democratic coalition.第六段后：Embarrassment may be a factor here. Comparing itself with free countries, the revolutionary country sees itself falling behind. Chinese in the 1970s could note with regret that on China’s rim—in Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—Chinese were prosperous, but not in China. Under Deng Xiaoping, China turned to capitalist industry and foreign investment, and the economy set growth records, suggesting that the great Communist revolution had been a colossal mistake.第七段后：Now only holdout Maoists in India and Peru and al Qaeda want revolution.330页，比较研究最后一段：Faced with this prospect, some regimes attempt to crush mass demands with military force. An example is the bloody 1989 crackdown in China. Hundreds of protesting students were gunned down in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square because the elderly party elite feared what they called a “counterrevolutionary revolt.” Deng Xiaoping had attempted economic reform only to find that it awoke demands for democracy. Partial reform of a corrupt dictatorship is difficult, because, as soon as you let people criticize it, they demand to replace it. Give them a free speech inch, and they want a democratic mile. That, of course, would mean ousting the Communist elite, which then fights tenaciously for its power and privileges. But by digging in their heels and refusing to institute major reform, the rulers just build up a head of steam for a later and greater explosion. The party can crush political opponents, but it cannot produce the economic growth necessary to feed and house the people, who just get angrier. Ironically, Communist countries, who always claimed to be “revolutionary,” indeed led the way to revolution. Other countries may be ripe for velvet revolutions.第十八章349页，最后一段后：The big problem is how to handle a rapidly rising China. Already the world’s largest exporter and second-largest economy, China demands respect. Some IR theorists argue that rising powers must collide with other powers, usually resulting in war. That is true of the Athenian, Roman, Arab, British, Japanese, and several other empires. The United States too emerged on the world stage through a series of wars. The rising Portuguese and Spanish empires, though, never fought each other; they agreed to let Spain dominate in Latin America and Portugal in Asia. The trick seems to be to make an agreement in advance as to who has what. China historically never expanded overseas, although it easily could have. Currently Beijing defines its national interest as economic growth and will not likely do anything that disrupts it. This insight explains why China claims Taiwan but has not invaded it, why it is reluctant to let its currency rise, and why it lines up energy and raw materials deals around the globe. Things could go wrong, however. Strong nationalism smolders just beneath the surface in China. The Chinese military is constructing a major fleet and itches to take over Taiwan. Border claims trouble relations with India. And China’s rapid economic growth may not always be smooth.350页，（“和平相处”到“我们成功地度过”间）：Beware of misleading analogies (see page 321) that equate China to Imperial Japan or the Soviet Union. China is neither of these. Handled with calm and reason, the world can live in peace with a rising China.
精彩短评 (总计21条)
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《Xx学与生活》已经成了《xx学导论》《xx学入门》《xx学通识》的美称。较好的阉割版通俗读物。 -
删改比较严重。但是确实是一本通俗易懂的入门教材。 -
把这种原本定位为教材的书改做成通俗读物，很好，但为什么非要乱改书名？ -
highly recommended.生动易懂，很好的入门书。 -
阉割的政治学导论，依然值得一读，如果书里所写能成为年轻一代的常识，也许后人就不用吃着养殖带鱼做梦了 -
内容够系统，屁股也够歪 -
读起来轻松愉快，但是内容被阉割、篡改得太多了。但是可以理解，如果不这么做可能无法在国内出版。 -
政治科学入门读物，本书就是《政治科学》第12版，出版社改名的去死！ -
大部分的我都懂，底下评论里补删的那篇真赞 -
很好的书 一本解决基本问题 超好的入门教材 语言精当 简直就是教科书的模范啊 但是是不是有删减啊 -
看评论中文版有删节，去找原文版看一下。 -
歆慕已久的好书，紧扣主题，规范合理，厘清概念介绍理论的同时不忘现实关怀。语言浅显易懂，视角也在立足于美国政治体制的同时做了丰富的国际间比较。对政治学经典的回顾也贯穿了全书，体现了政治科学的一致性与一贯性。对相应概念的详尽阐述给了门外汉很好地了解乃至理解政治学问题的途径与工具，独裁政府威权政府与民主政府，政治献金与媒体作用，很多现实热点的政治学问题也被提出考察。一些问题未必是定论，但是能够引发思考，思维本身便乐趣无穷，赞！ -
非常好 -
虽然封面和书名有点莫名其妙，其实就是政治科学导论啦。有删节，不过作为入门或者了解还是很不错的书了。 -
原来作者另一本书我也读过呀，难怪风格这么熟悉。 -
非常生动有趣的政治学入门书 -
101。 -
It effectively elaborates the basic topics of political science. The adequate examples are really helpful. -
纸牌屋记 -
超好的政治学入门教材，怎么早没发现呢！ -
罗斯金的书自然值得一读，书中有图有例，比一般的政治学读物轻松有趣得多。赞！