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作者:梅仁毅 编


  Today, for example, there are over 2.2 million Native Americans. This group has suffered  enormous injustices. Shortly after the European settlers arrived on this continent, they found it expedient to clear out the indigenous groups whose nations stood in the way of territorial con- quesst and colonial expansion. The firm belief of whites in their own racial and cultural superi-ority (a belief without any real foundation) provided a ready rationale for their vicious treat-  ment of the native peoples, Native Americans were subjected to a continuing series of attacks:the takeover of ancestral lands, racially inspired killings, confinement on white-controlled res-ervations , bureaucratic manipulation by governmental agencies, and so on. Now, after gener-ations of white domination, Native Americans are among the poorest and most oppressed mi-nority groups in the United States. Their traditional patterns of living have been largely de-stroyed, and their life chances are almost completely subject to the whims of white-controlled institutions. They were, and are victims of racism.  Leaders  Members of each party in each house meet to choose their leaders, lhe Speaker of the House is chosen by the majority party members and presides over the House. Typically someone who has served in the House a long time, the Speaker is usually a skilled pariiamentarian and an ideological moderate. The institutional task of the Speaker is to see that legislation moves through the House. His (all speakers have been men so far) partisan task is to secure the passage of measures preferred by his party.  No other member of Congress possesses the visibility and authority of the Speaker of the House. Part of the Speakers prestige comes from the offices formal recognition in the Constitution, which states that the House "shall chuse their Speaker". Although the Constitution does not require the Speaker to be a House member, all of them have been. The Speaker is also second in line behind the vice president to succeed to the presidency. And, as the "elect of the elected", the Speaker stands near the president as a national figure.  The party leadership in the House also includes a majority leader, a minority leader, and majority and minority whips.  The majority leader is second in command to the Speaker, and the minority leader is, as the name suggests, the leader of the minority party.  The key job of majority leaders, defined by tradition, is to be principal floor defender and spokesman for the party. They also help to plan the daily, weekly, and annual legislative agendas; consult with members to gauge sentiment for or against legislation; confer with the president about administration proposals, particularly when the president is of the same party: urge colleagues to support or defeat measures; and, in general, work diligently to advance the purposes and programs of the majority party.  Minority leaders are well placed to shape their partys strategy for dealing with the majority. They can help formulate alternatives to majority-sponsored legislation, oppose outright the majority party and its leadership, or use parliamentary rules and procedures to concessions from the majority or thwart its will.  Whips originated in the British House of Commons, where they were named after the"whipper in", the rider who keeps the hounds together in a fox hunt. This aptly describes the whips role in Congress. Party whips try to maintain contact with party members, see which way members are leaning on votes, and attempt to gain their support.  In the House, whips frequently stand by the chambers doors and signaI their arriving colleagues to vote yea (thumbs up) or nay (thumbs down). They also prepare weekly "whip notices" advising members of the upcoming floor agenda.  1. Marbury v. Madison  The election of 1800 saw John Adams Federalist party lose control of the Presidency and both Houses of Congress to the Jeffersonian. In those days the new President did not take office until the following March 4 so Adams and the "lame duck" Federalist party still held power for several months after the election. In an attempt to hold onto power, the lame duck Congress passed a law creating forty-two new federal judgeships. President Adams quickly nominated Federalists to these judgeships, and the Senate quickly confirmed the nomination. The outgoing Secretary State, John Marshall, failed to see that all of the commissions were delivered to the new judges before he left office on March 4. When President Jefferson took office he ordered his Secretary of State, James Madison, not to deliver the commissions because of the blatant way the Federalists tried to "pack" the federal judiciary. William Marbury, nominated to be a justice of the peace in the city of Washington, was one of those who did not receive his commission. After several unsuccessful attempts to secure the commission, Marbury brought suit against Madison. Section 13 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 authorized the Supreme Court to issue a writ of mandamus to persons holding office under the authority of the United States.A writ of mandamus is a court order commanding an official to do something that is required by law and over which the official has no discretion. Marbury brought this original action before the Supreme Court under Section 13. The case was highly controversial and highly partisan in  nature. The Federalists had blatantly packed the federal judiciary with its members. Jefferson withheld the commissions for partisan reasons. The stage was set for a historic decision.  The Constitutional issues are as following:  (1) whether Marbury has a legal right to the commission?  (2)whether the laws of the United States provide Marbury with a legal remedy?  (3)Whether the remedy of a writ of mandamus was issued by the Supreme Court?  Chief Justice John Marshall delivers the opinion of the Court. Marshall answers the first question by analyzing the appointment process. Marshall concludes that Marbury, having been nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate in accordance with the constitution,does have a right to the commission he demands.  The U.S. economy is in an unprecedented good condition. For example, U.S. unemployment fell in September, 2000 to 3.9 percent——matching a 30-year low——and businesses added more workers than expected, the Labor Department reported, suggesting the nine-year-old economic expansion is still generating jobs. As a matter of fact, it is undergoing a fundamental transformation at the dawn of the new millennium. Some of the most obvious outward signs of change are in fact among the root causes of it: revolutionary technological advances, including powerful personal computers, high-speed telecommunications, and the Internet. The market  environment facilitated, by these and other developments in the last decade and a half has been variously labeled the "information economy", "network economy", "digital economy","knowledge economy", and the "risk society". Together, the whole package is often simply referred to as the "New Economy".  The New Economy is a metal casting firm in Pittsburgh that uses computer-aided manufacturing technology to cut costs, save energy, and reduce waste. It is a farmer in Nebraska who sows genetically altered seeds and drives a tractor with a global satellite positioning system. It is an insurance company in Iowa that uses software to flatten managerial hierarchies and gives its workers broader responsibilities and autonomy. It is textile firm in Georgia that uses the Internet to take orders from customers around the world.  It is also as much about new organizational models as it is about new technologies. The New Economy is the Miller brewery in Trenton, Ohio, which produces 50 percent more beer per worker than the companys next-most-productive facility, in part because a lean, 13-member crew has been trained to work in teams to handle the overnight shift with no oversight.  ……


  前言  20世纪80年代以来,世界发生了巨大的变化,美国国内也有不小的变化:冷战的结束,美国成了惟一的超级大国,全球化的发展,知识经济的主导,美国经济持续增长及最近的衰退,新保守主义的抬头,社会福利政策的争论等等都需要我们去了解与研究,许多中国读者也迫切想了解美国的今天。我们在有关课程的教学中也深感需要补充新的材料以适应新的发展,这就是我们编写此书的动因。此书有以下几个特点:  1.题材广泛,材料较新。本书所选文章涉及美国政治、社会生活的方方面面。全书共分政治、经济、社会、文化教育4个部分,26个专题。在选材上,除个别文章外,我们主要选自80年代(特别是90年代)美国出版的教材、专著,也包括了少量从因特网下载的文章。我们一方面注意给读者提供90年代的信息,一方面又不追求实时性,而是注意所论述的内容有较长的时效,因此在总统举这一单元中就没有涉及2000年总统选举的特点、选举团暴露出来的弊端、最高法院的裁决等.提到2000年选举,也只是为了说明选举过程、金钱的作用。另外,此书没有把史地、人口等变化不大的内容包括在内,这些方面仍可参考邓炎昌教授主编的《现代美国社会与文化》一书。  2.历史与现实的结合。对许多问题,我们认为不仅应该了解其现状,也应该了解其过去,以形成一种发展的观点。我们在编撰时,尽可能使读者对一个专题有一个历史的了解,知道事物的发展过程。  3.本书大部分文章的作者都是美国政治学、经济学、历史学、外交学、社会学、教育学、人类学、哲学等方面的专家、学者,他们提供的信息与分析,比较权威、可靠。当然,正因为他们都是美国学者他们有的观点也必然会与中国的观点不同,这是我们应该在使用此书时必须注意的。我们认为基本保留原作者的观点与论述,有助于提高读者的分析、判断能力,也有助于我们了解美国作者是如何看待这些问题的。需要点明之处,我们也在简介中已加以指出。  4.文字规范、地道。我们在选材时,也注意了文字的难易程度,尽量做到文字地道易懂,使读者在阅读内容的同时,在语言上也有收获。为了帮助读者阅读,我们对某些专有名词提供了英语注释对人名、机构名则给了中文译名。对于一般性难词或语言上的难点,我们未作注释,因为读者可以借助词典独立解决。  5.每一单元前面有一个汉语简介,起导读作用。我们尽量在简介中提供一些所选文章没有涉及但又必须知道的事实,同时指出中国读者在阅读时应注意或应思考的问题。每一单元之后附有英文思考题,便于读者复习一下本单元的主要之点。在思考题之后,列有参考书目,便于有兴趣的读者进一步学习之用。所列之书,基本上在国内可以借阅到。  6.本书是集体研究的成果。北京外国语大学研究中心的师生共25人参加了编撰工作。本中心的富布赖特教授Bill Lyons也专门为此书写了一篇文章。没有这么多人的努力,本书是难以完成的。  ……


梅仁毅 1935年出生于广东中山,现任北京外国语大学教授、美国研究中心主任。1982-1983年作为富布赖特学者在美国耶鲁大学从事美国外交史研究。长期从事美国外交史、中美关系史教学。作品有:译著《论语》、《寂夏》;教材《国际金融阅读与翻译》、《英语国家概况》美国部


Part I Politics  Unit One The Constitution 美国宪法  Unit Two The Presidency and Presidential Election 总统与总统选举  Unit Three The Congress 美国国会  Unit Four The Judiciary 司法体系  Unit Five Federal and State Governments 联邦与州政府  Unit Six Political Parties 政党  Unit Seven Interest Groups 利益集团  Unit Eight Foreign Policy 外交政策Part II Economy  Unit Nine Overview of American Economy 美国经济概貌  Unit Ten American Government and American Economy 美国政府和美国经济  Unit Eleven New Economy 新经济    Unit Twelve Foreign Trade 对外贸易Part III Society   Unit Thirteen Race and Ethnicity 种族与民族问题  Unit Fourteen Religion 宗教  Unit Fifteen Family 家庭  Unit Sixteen Old Age 老龄问题  Unit Seventeen Gender Inequality, Women's Liberation 男女不平等以及妇女解放  Unit Eighteen Social Welfare 社会福利  Unit Nineteen Crime 犯罪  Unit Twenty Philosophy 哲学  Unit Twenty-one American Values 美国价值观  Unit Twenty-two Education 教育  Unit Twenty-three News Media 新闻媒体  Unit Twenty-four Motion Pictures 电影  Unit Twenty-five Sports and American Culture 体育与美国文化  Unit Twenty-six American Music 美国音乐




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精彩书评 (总计2条)

  •     在仔仔细细读以前,曾在图书馆窥探过两次。念完AP再回来看完读本,感觉却没有预想的好。本来纵观后再来读专题应该蛮不错,可惜就可惜在了每个专题负责收集文章都是美社不同的人,当然文章选来也是出自不同研究者之手。选取的文章无论从语言风格还是详略上都有偏差,偶尔也会出现细节小重复。希望再版的话能改变下,然后update下最新事件。(因此俺要去跟进实事的说~~)不过有概貌也总是好的。是自己AP掌握不购牢靠呢还。配合着AP再好好读一遍,做一遍笔记纲要。定期完成任务总是舒服的。
  •     梅爷爷主编的书啊,本以为会很棒。读了才知道,这是本让人失望、恶心和愤怒的书!!总的来说,这本书不适于想了解美国基本状况的读者,因为它根本没有提供清晰、完整的美国概况。如果是想搞深入研究的话,那这本书有显得较为浅显。首先,让人反感的就是这本书的看起来很不正规的排版:无厘头的小标题,神经质的行距,小气鬼的页边距,………………其次,编辑工作除了看起来的很不正规之外,还有实质上的错误。一堆一堆的typo,妈呀,这种书也是外研社出的?!不知道的还以为是盗版的呢。。。举例以证明书里的错别字多到切实地不堪入目的程度:P199 倒数第二行:...Herbert Hoover wold be sitting her right now...(would\here)P200 第十三行:...decentralized control instead of panning...(planning)P230 4.the air pollution: Problem has several aspects.类似的不胜枚举的typo让我无比无比无比难受……还有,最重要的是这本书是各种教材片断和杂志文章的大杂烩,而且内容较老,最晚的是2001年,关键是很多文章只针对某一历史时段的介绍。这样的缺点是不能对整体有宏观的把握,除非已经具有背景知识。另外,按照我的判断,有些文章不是编者直接从教材里节选的,而是编者自己加工过的,这导致文章读起来有很不连贯的感觉,加上编者添加的混乱小标题,读起来就更费劲了。而且,我觉得有些文章本身就写的不好,条理不清晰,内容不完整,语言也不是最好的。我对这本书很没兴趣(uninterested),虽然它对我来说有很大利益(interests)。

精彩短评 (总计17条)

  •     很多章节选的文章不是很好。看文章之前最好先看下那篇文章是谁写的,哪个出版社出的。
  •     物有所值,难度适中,需仔细阅读方可有较大收获
  •     这本书很厚,但是真的蛮不错的。全英文版,我比较喜欢这样的专题形式的。好懂。唯一的就是太难了,我的水平实在是够呛,要查很多很多的单词呢。
  •     这本书总体可以,但是毕竟不是作者自己写的,而是把国外文章按主题编起来的,所以难免文笔有不统一,显得有点散.但对于希冀研究美国的朋友来说,本书不失为一本既能提高英语,又能大致了解美国的读本.总的来说,国内的美国文化研究书籍,还是上海外国语大学的王恩铭教授写得最好!
  •     不知道别人买这书的目的是什么,我是为了毕业论文考试。
  •     这本书读读不错
  •     对美国的方方面面都做了细致的分析和探讨!如果要考自考英语专业本科毕业论文或者英语专业的研究生的话,此书乃必备书之一!虽然书很厚,知识点丰富全面,但对于我们这些学生来说,还是有点贵!!!
  •     美社 研
  •     美国文化考研必备书
  •     书超级好又有折扣又不用邮费感觉超值哦~~
  •     梅爷爷永远是我们的精神偶像!
  •     曾经想过考北外的研究僧时买来看的
  •     这本书真的很恶心!我读的快吐了!
  •     还是本好书的
  •     书质量不错内容也比较充实
  •     教科书,想考梅老先生的博士啊,一定要读这本书哦。不考,也没有关系,可以了解美国文化。
  •     可以做教材,也可以没事读读丰富知识。

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