美国历史

章节摘录

CHAPTER 1THE GREAT MIGRATION TO AMERICAThe tide of migration that set in toward the shores of North America during the early years of the seventeenth century was but one phase in the restless and eternal movement of mankind upon the surface of the earth. The ancient Greeks flung out their colonies in every direction, westward as far as Gaul, across the Mediterranean, and eastward into Asia Minor, perhaps to the very confines of India. The Romans, supported by their armies and their government, spread their dominion beyond the narrow lands of Italy until it stretched from the heather of Scotland to the sands of Arabia. The Teutonic tribes, from their home beyond the Danube and the Rhine, poured into the empire of the Cæsars and made the beginnings of modern Europe. Of this great sweep of races and empires the settlement of America was merely a part. And it was, moreover, only one aspect of the expansion which finally carried the peoples, the institutions, and the trade of Europe to the very ends of the earth.In one vital point, it must be noted, American colonization differed from that of the ancients. The Greeks usually carried with them affection for the government they left behind and sacred fire from the altar of the parent city; but thousands of the immigrants who came to America disliked the state and disowned the church of the mother country. They established compacts of government for themselves and set up altars of their own. They sought not only new soil to till but also political and religious liberty for themselves and their children.The Agencies of American Colonization It was no light matter for the English to cross three thousand miles of water and found homes in the American wilderness at the opening of the seventeenth century. Ships, tools, and supplies called for huge outlays of money. Stores had to be furnished in quantities sufficient to sustain the life of the settlers until they could gather harvests of their own. Artisans and laborers of skill and industry had to be induced to risk the hazards of the new world. Soldiers were required for defense and mariners for the exploration of inland waters. Leaders of good judgment, adept in managing men, had to be discovered. Altogether such an enterprise demanded capital larger than the ordinary merchant or gentleman could amass and involved risks more imminent than he dared to assume. Though in later days, after initial tests had been made, wealthy proprietors were able to establish colonies on their own account, it was the corporation that furnished the capital and leadership in the beginning.The Trading Company.—English pioneers in exploration found an instrument for colonization in companies of merchant adventurers, which had long been employed in carrying on commerce with foreign countries. Such a corporation was composed of many persons of different ranks of society—noblemen, merchants, and gentlemen—who banded together for a particular undertaking, each contributing a sum of money and sharing in the profits of the venture. It was organized under royal authority; it received its charter, its grant of land, and its trading privileges from the king and carried on its operations under his supervision and control. The charter named all the persons originally included in the corporation and gave them certain powers in the management of its affairs, including the right to admit new members. The company was in fact a little government set up by the king. When the members of the corporation remained in England, as in the case of the Virginia Company, they operated through agents sent to the colony. When they came over the seas themselves and settled in America, as in the case of Massachusetts, they became the direct government of the country they possessed. The stockholders in that instance became the voters and the governor, the chief magistrate.Four of the thirteen colonies in America owed their origins to the trading corporation. It was the London Company, created by King James I, in 1606, that laid during the following year the foundations of Virginia at Jamestown. It was under the auspices of their West India Company, chartered in 1621, that the Dutch planted the settlements of the New Netherland in the valley of the Hudson. The founders of Massachusetts were Puritan leaders and men of affairs whom King Charles I incorporated in 1629 under the title: “The governor and company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England.” In this case the law did but incorporate a group drawn together by religious ties. “We must be knit together as one man,” wrote John Winthrop, the first Puritan governor in America. Far to the south, on the banks of the Delaware River, a Swedish commercial company in 1638 made the beginnings of a settlement, christened New Sweden; it was destined to pass under the rule of the Dutch, and finally under the rule of William Penn as the proprietary colony of Delaware.In a certain sense, Georgia may be included among the “company colonies.” It was, however, originally conceived by the moving spirit, James Oglethorpe, as an asylum for poor men, especially those imprisoned for debt. To realize this humane purpose, he secured from King George II, in 1732, a royal charter uniting several gentlemen, including himself, into “one body politic and corporate,” known as the “Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America.” In the structure of their organization and their methods of government, the trustees did not differ materially from the regular companies created for trade and colonization. Though their purposes were benevolent, their transactions had to be under the forms of law and according to the rules of business.

前言

As things now stand, the course of instruction in American history in our public schools embraces three distinct treatments of the subject. Three separate books are used. First, there is the primary book, which is usually a very condensed narrative with emphasis on biographies and anecdotes.Second, there is the advanced text for the seventh or eighth grade, generally speaking, an expansion of the elementary book by the addition of forty or fifty thousand words. Finally, there is the high school manual. This, too, ordinarily follows the beaten path, giving fuller accounts of the same events and characters. To put it bluntly, we do not assume that our children obtain permanent possessions from their study of history in the lower grades. If mathematicians followed the same method, high school texts on algebra and geometry would include the multiplication table and fractions.There is, of course, a ready answer to the criticism advanced above. It is that teachers have learned from bitter experience how little history their pupils retain as they pass along the regular route. No teacher of history will deny this. Still it is a standing challenge to existing methods of historical instruction. If the study of history cannot be made truly progressive like the study of mathematics, science, and languages, then the historians assume a grave responsibility in adding their subject to the already overloaded curriculum. If the successive historical texts are only enlarged editions of the first text—more facts, more dates, more words—then history deserves most of the sharp criticism which it is receiving from teachers of science, civics, and economics.In this condition of affairs we find our justification for offering a new high school text in American history. Our first contribution is one of omission. The time-honored stories of exploration and the biographies of heroes are left out. We frankly hold that, if pupils know little or nothing about Columbus, Cortes, Magellan, or Captain John Smith by the time they reach the high school, it is useless to tell the same stories for perhaps the fourth time. It is worse than useless. It is an offense against the teachers of those subjects that are demonstrated to be progressive in character.In the next place we have omitted all descriptions of battles. Our reasons for this are simple. The strategy of a campaign or of a single battle is a highly technical, and usually a highly controversial, matter about which experts differ widely. In the field of military and naval operations most writers and teachers of history are mere novices. To dispose of Gettysburg or the Wilderness in ten lines or ten pages is equally absurd to the serious student of military affairs. Any one who compares the ordinary textbook account of a single Civil War campaign with the account given by Ropes, for instance, will ask for no further comment. No youth called upon to serve our country in arms would think of turning to a high school manual for information about the art of warfare. The dramatic scene or episode, so useful in arousing the interest of the immature pupil, seems out of place in a book that deliberately appeals to boys and girls on the very threshold of life's serious responsibilities.It is not upon negative features, however, that we rest our case. It is rather upon constructive features.First. We have written a topical, not a narrative, history. We have tried to set forth the important aspects, problems, and movements of each period, bringing in the narrative rather by way of illustration.Second. We have emphasized those historical topics which help to explain how our nation has come to be what it is to-day.Third. We have dwelt fully upon the social and economic aspects of our history, especially in relation to the politics of each period.Fourth. We have treated the causes and results of wars, the problems of financing and sustaining armed forces, rather than military strategy. These are the subjects which belong to a history for civilians. These are matters which civilians can understand—matters which they must understand, if they are to play well their part in war and peace.Fifth. By omitting the period of exploration, we have been able to enlarge the treatment of our own time. We have given special attention to the history of those current questions which must form the subject matter of sound instruction in citizenship.Sixth. We have borne in mind that America, with all her unique characteristics, is a part of a general civilization. Accordingly we have given diplomacy, foreign affairs, world relations, and the reciprocal influences of nations their appropriate place.Seventh. We have deliberately aimed at standards of maturity. The study of a mere narrative calls mainly for the use of the memory. We have aimed to stimulate habits of analysis, comparison, association, reflection, and generalization—habits calculated to enlarge as well as inform the mind.We have been at great pains to make our text clear, simple, and direct; but we have earnestly sought to stretch the intellects of our readers—to put them upon their mettle. Most of them will receive the last of their formal instruction in the high school. The world will soon expect maturity from them. Their achievements will depend upon the possession of other powers than memory alone. The effectiveness of their citizenship in our republic will be measured by the excellence of their judgment as well as the fullness of their information.C.A.B.M.R.B.NEW YORK CITY

内容概要

查尔斯•A•比尔德，美国著名历史学家，去世于1948年。他写作的《美国文明的兴起》一书，被商务印书馆翻译出版并选入“汉译名著”系列。

Charles Austin Beard (November 27, 1874—September 1, 1948) was an American historian. He published hundreds of monographs, textbooks and interpretive studies in both history and political science. His works included radical re-evaluation of the Founding Fathers of the United States, whom he believed were more motivated by economics than by philosophical principles。

Mary Ritter Beard (August 5, 1876—August 14, 1958) was an influential American historian and archivist , who played an important role in the women's suffrage movement and was a lifelong advocate for social justice through educational and activist roles in both the labor and woman's rights movements. She wrote several books on women's role in history including On Understanding Women (1931), America Through Women's Eyes (1933) and Woman As Force In History: A Study in Traditions and Realities (1946). In addition, she collaborated with her husband, eminent historian Charles Austin Beard on several distinguished works, most notably The Rise of American Civilization (1927)。

书籍目录

PART Ⅰ.THE COLONIAL PERIOD

1 THE GREAT MIGRATION TO AMERICA

The Agencies of American Colonization

The Colonial Peoples

The Process of Colonization

2 COLONIAL AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRY, AND COMMERCE

The Land and the Westward Movement

Industrial and Commercial Development

3 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PROGRESS

The Leadership of the Churches

Schools and Colleges

The Colonial Press

The Evolution in Political Institutions

4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIAL NATIONALISM

Relations with the Indians and the French

The Effects of Warfare on the Colonies

Colonial Relations with the British Government

Summary of the Colonial Period

PART Ⅱ.CONFLICT AND INDEPENDENCE

5 THE NEW COURSE IN BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY

George Ⅲ and His System

George Ⅲ's Ministers and Their Colonial Policies

Colonial Resistance Forces Repeal

Resumption of British Revenue and Commercial Policies

Renewed Resistance in America

Retaliation by the British Government

From Reform to Revolution in America

6 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

Resistance and Retaliation

American Independence

The Establishment of Government and the New Allegiance

Military Affairs

The Finances of the Revolution

The Diplomacy of the Revolution

Peace at Last

Summary of the Revolutionary Period

PART Ⅲ.FOUNDATIONS OF THE UNION AND NATIONAL POLITICS

7 THE FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION

The Promise and the Difficulties of America

The Calling of a Constitutional Convention

The Framing of the Constitution

The Struggle over Ratification

8 THE CLASH OF POLITICAL PARTIES

The Men and Measures of the New Government

The Rise of Political Parties

Foreign Influences and Domestic Politics

9 THE JEFFERSONIAN REPUBLICANS IN POWER

Republican Principles and Policies

The Republicans and the Great West

The Republican War for Commercial Independence

The Republicans Nationalized

The National Decisions of Chief Justice Marshall

Summary of the Union and National Politics

PART Ⅳ.THE WEST AND JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY

10 THE FARMERS BEYOND THE APPALACHIANS

Preparation for Western Settlement

The Western Migration and New States

The Spirit of the Frontier

The West and the East Meet

11 JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY

The Democratic Movement in the East

The New Democracy Enters the Arena

The New Democracy at Washington

The Rise of the Whigs

The Interaction of American and European Opinion

12 THE MIDDLE BORDER AND THE GREAT WEST

The Advance of the Middle Border

On to the Pacific-Texas and the Mexican War

The Pacific Coast and Utah

Summary of Western Development and National Politics

PART Ⅴ.SECTIONAL CONFLICT AND RECONSTRUCTION

13 THE RISE OF THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM

The Industrial Revolution

The Industrial Revolution and National Politics

14 THE PLANTING SYSTEM AND NATIONAL POLITICS

Slavery-North and South

Slavery in National Politics

The Drift of Events toward the Irrepressible Conflict

15 THE CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION

The Southern Confederacy

The War Measures of the Federal Government

The Results of the Civil War

Reconstruction in the South

Summary of the Sectional Conflict

PART Ⅵ.NATIONAL GROWTH AND WORLD POLITICS

16 THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION OF THE SOUTH

The South at the Close of the War

The Restoration of White Supremacy

The Economic Advance of the South

17 BUSINESS ENTERPRISE AND THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

Railways and Industry

The Supremacy of the Republican Party (1861-85)

The Growth of Opposition to Republican Rule

18 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREAT WEST

The Railways As Trail Blazers

The Evolution of Grazing and Agriculture

Mining and Manufacturing in the West

The Admission of New States

The Influence of the Far West on National Life

19 DOMESTIC ISSUES BEFORE THE COUNTRY (1865-1897)

The Currency Question

The Protective Tariff and Taxation

The Railways and Trusts

The Minor Parties and Unrest

The Sound Money Battle of 1896

Republican Measures and Results

20 AMERICA A WORLD POWER (1865-1900)

American Foreign Relations (1865-98)

Cuba and the Spanish War

American Policies in the Philippines and the Orient

Summary of National Growth and World Politics

PART Ⅶ.PROGRESSIVE DEMOCRACY AND THE WORLD WAR

21 THE EVOLUTION OF REPUBLICAN POLICIES (1901-1913)

Foreign Affairs

Colonial Administration

The Roosevelt Domestic Policies

Legislative and Executive Activities

The Administration of President Taft

Progressive Insurgency and the Election of 1912

22 THE SPIRIT OF REFORM IN AMERICA

An Age of Criticism

Political Reforms

Measures of Economic Reform

23 THE NEW POLITICAL DEMOCRACY

The Rise of the Woman Movement

The National Struggle for Woman Suffrage

24 INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

Cooperation between Employers and Employees

The Rise and Growth of Organized Labor

The Wider Relations of Organized Labor

Immigration and Americanization

25 PRESIDENT WILSON AND THE WORLD WAR

Domestic Legislation

Colonial and Foreign Policies

The United States and the European War

The United States at War

The Settlement at Paris

Summary of Democracy and the World War

编辑推荐

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作者简介

《美国历史(英文版)》继哈佛大学著名历史学家钱宁的《美国学生历史》（英汉双语版）出版问市后，受到众多读者欢迎，不少读者期望能买到英文原版关于美国历史的教材，《美国历史》正是为满足这部分读者纯英文阅读的需求。

这本全英文版的《美国历史》由美国著名历史学家比尔德编写，以西方人的视角，深入浅出地介绍了从殖民地时期到世界大战期间美国历史上的重大事件与文明发展。《美国历史》按不同历史时期，分知识点，一一讲述，便于理解记忆。为使读者更好地理解和掌握各章的重点和难点，每章末尾还附有练习题和思考题。文中还配有相应的插图，便于对不同地域和各个时期人物及事件有更直观感受。通过阅读《美国历史》，能理清美国历史发展脉络，获得对美国历史全景式认知，从而能更好地了解美国这个社会和文化多元的国家。

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It is not upon negative features, however, that we rest our case. It is rather upon constructive features.

First. We have written a topical, not a narrative, history. We have tried to set forth the important aspects, problems, and movements of each period, bringing in the narrative rather by way of illustration.

Second. We have emphasized those historical topics which help to explain how our nation has come to be what it is to-day.

Third. We have dwelt fully upon the social and economic aspects of our history, especially in relation to the politics of each period.

Fourth. We have treated the causes and results of wars, the problems of financing and sustaining armed forces, rather than military strategy. These are the subjects, which belong to a history for civilians. These are matters which civilians can understand—matters which they must understand, if they are to play well their part in war and peace.

Fifth. By omitting the period of exploration, we have been able to enlarge the treatment of our own time. We have given special attention to the history of those current questions which must form the subject matter of sound instruction in citizenship.

Sixth. We have borne in mind that America, with all her unique characteristics, is a part of a general civilization. Accordingly we have given diplomacy, foreign affairs, world relations, and the reciprocal influences of nations their appropriate place.

Seventh. We have deliberately aimed at standards of maturity.

The study of a mere narrative calls mainly for the use of the memory. We have aimed to stimulate habits of analysis, comparison, association, reflection, and generalization—habits calculated to enlarge as well as inform the mind. We have been at great pains to make our text clear, simple, and direct; but we have earnestly sought to stretch the intellects of our readers— to put them upon their mettle. Most of them will receive the last of their formal instruction in the high school. The world will soon expect maturity from them. Their achievements will depend upon the possession of other powers than memory alone. The effectiveness of their citizenship in our republic will be measured by the excellence of their judgment as well as the fullness of their information。

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